Perspectives Daily
Kiara M. Vigil | Jan 19, 2021
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Matthew Gabriele | Jan 12, 2021
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Kevin Boyle and James Grossman | Jan 11, 2021
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E. Thomas Ewing and Jeffrey S. Reznick | Dec 9, 2020
Update/Display Mode. When you select Update/Display, you can access only current and future rows; you cannot access history. Using the example, you can view only the current data, which is effective-dated August 1, 2001, and the future data, which is effective-dated January 1, 2006 (the employee's promotion and then the employee's termination). We Want More History Greg Downs, Hilary N. Green, Scott Hancock, and Kate Masur Oct 9, 2020 Civil War historians took to the streets, parks, and visitor centers to demand better, more nuanced history during the first #WeWantMoreHistory day of action.
Leah Valtin-Erwin | Oct 29, 2020
Jon Grinspan | Oct 19, 2020
Greg Downs, Hilary N. Green, Scott Hancock, and Kate Masur | Oct 9, 2020
Jeremi Suri | Oct 5, 2020
Heather Murray | Oct 2, 2020
Dividing history into decades is an arbitrary but sometimes very useful way of trying to understand the arcs and significance of events. Trying to identify any single event as crucial to the understanding of a given decade may be even more arbitrary. It is certainly subjective. Nevertheless, that attempt can at the very least be a catalyst for discussion. What follows is an attempt to identify decade-defining moments in the history of the United States since the country’s inception.
The centrality of the Declaration of Independence (1776) to the developments of the 1770s is self-evident. From the Boston Tea Party to the shot heard round the world, Washington’s Crossing of the Delaware, and the Valley Forge winter, the American Revolution’s pursuit of liberty was made meaningful by the founding document of the great American experiment in democracy.
With the war won, independence secured, and the Articles of Confederation proving inadequate, the Founding Fathers laid down the law by which the new country would be governed in the elegantly crafted Constitution, which, depending upon one’s perspective, was meant to either evolve to meet changing circumstances or to be strictly interpreted to adhere to the Founders’ “original intent.”
As the new country began finding its feet, U.S. Pres. George Washington sent troops to western Pennsylvania in 1794 to quell the Whiskey Rebellion, an uprising by citizens who refused to pay a liquor tax that had been imposed by Secretary of Treasury Alexander Hamilton to raise money for the national debt and to assert the power of the national government. Federalists cheered the triumph of national authority; members of the Thomas Jefferson’s Republican (later Democratic-Republican) Party were appalled by what they saw as government overreach. More than two centuries later, the names and faces have changed, but the story is ongoing.
The Louisiana Territory, the huge swath of land (more than 800,000 square miles) that made up the western Mississippi basin, passed from French colonial rule to Spanish colonial rule and then back to the French before U.S. Pres. Thomas Jefferson pried it away from Napoleon in 1803 for a final price of some $27 million. Out of it were carved—in their entirety—the states of Louisiana, Missouri, Arkansas, Iowa, North Dakota, South Dakota, Nebraska, and Oklahoma along with most of Kansas, Colorado, Wyoming, Montana, and Minnesota. Exploring the land acquired through the Louisiana Purchase also gave Lewis and Clark something to do for two years.
On January 8, 1815, a ragtag army under the command of Andrew Jackson decisively defeated British forces in the Battle of New Orleans, even though the War of 1812 had actually already ended. News of the Treaty of Ghent (December 24, 1814) had yet to reach the combatants. The American victory made a national figure of future president Jackson and contributed to the widespread perception that the U.S. had won the war, but in truth the conflict was effectively a draw, and the issues that had brought it on were largely unresolved.
The Era of Good Feelings (roughly 1815–25), a period of American prosperity and isolationism, was in full swing when U.S. Pres. James Monroe articulated a set of principles in 1823 that decades later would be called the Monroe Doctrine. According to the policy, the United States would not intervene in European affairs, but likewise it would not tolerate further European colonization in the Americas or European interference in the governments of the American hemisphere. It is questionable whether the U.S. at the time had the might to back up its swagger, but later, as a world power, it would implement a broad interpretation of the doctrine in its “sphere of influence.”
Andrew Jackson, the U.S. president from 1829–37, was said to have ushered in the Era of the Common Man. But while suffrage had been broadly expanded beyond men of property, it was not a result of Jackson’s efforts. Despite the careful propagation of his image as a champion of popular democracy and as a man of the people, he was much more likely to align himself with the influential not with the have-nots, with the creditor not with the debtor. Jacksonian democracy talked a good game for people on the street but delivered little.
Signed on February 2, 1848, the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo brought to a close the Mexican-American War (1846–48) and seemingly fulfilled the Manifest Destiny of the United States championed by Pres. James K. Polk by adding 525,000 square miles (1,360,000 square km) of formerly Mexican land to the U.S. territory.
The 1850s were awash in harbingers of the American Civil War to come—from the Compromise of 1850, which temporarily forestalled North-South tensions, to John Brown’s Harpers Ferry Raid, which ramped them up. Arguably, though, by stoking abolitionist indignation in an increasingly polarized country, the U.S. Supreme Court’s Dred Scott decision set the table for the 1860 election of Abraham Lincoln as president, which ultimately precipitated secession and war.
In July 1863, the year of the Emancipation Proclamation, in the small Pennsylvania crossroads town of Gettysburg, Robert E. Lee’s invading Army of Northern Virginia sustained a defeat so devastating that it sealed the fate of the Confederacy and its “peculiar institution.” Within two years the war was over, and before the end of the decade the South was temporarily transformed by Reconstruction.
While the country celebrated its anniversary at the Philadelphia Centennial Exposition, on June 25, 1876, the 7th Cavalry under the command of Col. George Armstrong Custer was vanquished by Lakota and Northern Cheyenne warriors led by Sitting Bull in the Battle of the Little Bighorn. Although it was a major victory for the Northern Plains people against U.S. expansionism, the battle marked the beginning of the end of Native American sovereignty over the West.
The wealth-concentrating practices of the “robber barons” who oversaw the burst of industrial activity and corporate growth during the Gilded Age of the late 19th century was countered by the rise of organized labor led by the Knights of Labor. However, when a protest meeting related to one of the nearly 1,600 strikes conducted during 1886 was disrupted by the explosion of a bomb that killed seven policeman at the Haymarket Riot, many people blamed the violence on organized labor, which went into decline until the turn of the century.
With the end of Reconstruction in the 1870s, the enactment of Jim Crow laws enforced racial segregation in the South. In its 7–1 decision in the Plessy v. Ferguson case in May 1896, the U.S. Supreme Court gave constitutional sanction to laws designed to achieve racial segregation by means of separate and supposedly equal public facilities and services for African Americans and whites, thus providing a controlling judicial precedent that would endure until the 1950s.
In 1902 U.S. Pres. Theodore Roosevelt pursued the Progressive goal of curbing the enormous economic and political power of the giant corporate trusts by resurrecting the nearly defunct Sherman Antitrust Act to bring a lawsuit that led to the breakup of a huge railroad conglomerate, the Northern Securities Company (ordered by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1904). Roosevelt pursued this policy of “trust-busting” by initiating suits against 43 other major corporations during the next seven years.
As World War I raged in Europe, most Americans, including U.S. Pres. Woodrow Wilson, remained determined to avoid involvement and committed to neutrality, though the U.S. economy had benefited greatly from supplying food, raw material, and guns and ammunition to the Allies. More than any other single event, the sinking of the unarmed British ocean liner, the Lusitania, by a German submarine on May 7, 1915 (killing, among others, 128 Americans), prompted the U.S. to join the war on the side of the Allies. Leaving behind its isolationism, the U.S. became a global superpower, though by decade’s end it would recoil from membership in the fledgling League of Nations.
“The chief business of the American people is business,” U.S. Pres. Calvin Coolidge said in 1925. And with the American economy humming during the “Roaring Twenties” (the Jazz Age), peace and prosperity reigned in the United States…until it didn’t. The era came to a close in October 1929 when the stock market crashed, setting the stage for years of economic deprivation and calamity during the Great Depression.
In 1933 at least one-fourth of the U.S. workforce was unemployed when the administration of Pres. Franklin D. Roosevelt first took on the ravages of the Great Depression with the New Deal, a federal government program that sought to bring about immediate economic relief as well as reforms in industry, agriculture, finance, labor, and housing. On March 12, 1933, Roosevelt gave the first in a long series (1933–44) of straightforward informal radio addresses, the fireside chats, which were initially intended to garner support for the New Deal but eventually contributed to reformulating the American social mentality from one of despair to one of hope during a time of multiple crises, including the Great Depression and World War II.
Having again stayed out of the initial stages of another worldwide conflict, the U.S. entered World War II on the side of the Allies following the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor (December 1941). In August 1945, with the war in Europe over and U.S. forces advancing on Japan, U.S. Pres. Harry S. Truman ushered in the nuclear era by choosing to drop atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Japan, in the hope that the terrible destruction unleashed would prevent an even greater loss of life that seemed likely with a protracted island-by-island invasion of Japan.
With the Cold War as a backdrop, U.S. Sen. Joseph McCarthy gave his name to an era (McCarthyism) by fanning the flames of anti-communist hysteria with sensational but unproven charges of communist subversion in high government circles, while the House Un-American Activities Committee investigated alleged communist activities in the entertainment industry. McCarthy’s influence waned in 1954 when a nationally televised 36-day hearing on his charges of subversion by U.S. Army officers and civilian officials exposed his brutal interrogative tactics.
At the center of the widespread social and political upheaval of the 1960s were the civil rights movement, opposition to the Vietnam War, the emergence of youth-oriented counterculture, and the establishment and reactionary elements that pushed back against change. The April 4, 1968, assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr., the most prominent civil rights leader, revealed the tragic, violent consequences that could result from a country’s political polarization.
On August 9, 1974—facing likely impeachment for his role in covering up the scandal surrounding the break-in at the Democratic National Committee (DNC) headquarters in the Watergate complex in Washington, D.C., in June 1972—Republican Richard Nixon became the only U.S. president to resign. The loss of faith in government officials that resulted from the scandal suffused both popular and political culture with paranoia and disillusionment for the remainder of the decade.
U.S. Pres. Ronald Reagan’s triumph over the strike by the Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization (PATCO) in August 1981 played a pivotal role in the long-term weakening of the power of labor unions and helped set the tenor for his administration. Reagan’s ascent to the presidency in 1980 had much to do with his rhetorical ability to break the cloud of gloom caused by Watergate. This abetted his efforts to implement supply-side (monetarist) economic policies predicated on the notion that lower taxes on wealthy “job creators” would create a rising tide that would lift all boats. Critics argued that the wealth created during the decade never “trickled down” to the rank and file.
Having failed to push through a number of high-profile policy initiatives early in his first term as president and confronted with Republican majorities in both houses of Congress after the 1994 midterm election, Democrat Bill Clinton pivoted toward political accommodation, oversaw a robust economy, and reversed the spiraling budget deficit. Nonetheless, his affair with a White House intern, Monica Lewinsky, led to his impeachment in December 1998, though he was acquitted of charges of perjury and obstruction of justice.
Although terrorist attacks had been directed at the United States at the end of the 20th century, a new sense of vulnerability was introduced into American life on September 11, 2001, when Islamist terrorists crashed hijacked planes into the World Trade Center in New York City, the Pentagon in Washington, D.C., and the Pennsylvania countryside, resulting in the deaths of nearly 3,000 people.
Since at least the 1980s, the U.S. had been politically polarized by so-called culture wars that symbolically divided the country into Republican-dominated red states (typically characterized as conservative, God-fearing, pro-life, and opposed to big government and same-sex marriage) and Democrat-dominated blue states (theoretically liberal, secular, politically correct, and pro-choice). The 2016 election of Republican Donald Trump—whose campaign was grounded in nationalism and anti-immigrant rhetoric—could been seen then as a reaction to the seeming triumph of “blue” values during the two-term presidency (2009–17) of the United States’ first African American president, Democrat Barack Obama.